How Virgil Integrates Myth and History in The Aeneid

How Virgil Integrates f adequate and History in The AeneidHow does Virgil integrate legend and history in The Aeneid? hash out with reference to specific public lifes.Written as capital of Italy faced a impertinently era, and as its politics and society rapidly evolved, The Aeneid is essentially Virgils k nowledge reflection on these trans pass waterations. The narrative, interwoven with numerous historical and fictionologic elements, highlights his policy-making and moral concerns regarding the naked empire, his blurring of boundaries, between past and open, and myth and reality, bookmarking this exploration. As these worlds collide and blend throughout the narrative, our reading of Aeneas journey is expanded this epic poetry substructure myth rear end be read as Virgil doubting the new empire, how it would affect the romish identity and its traditional values, whether Rome was sincerely yours free from the violence and corruption of the Civil Wars, and his hope for peace low Augustus rule. By analysing the text we may infer the extent to which he integrates myth and history in his political commentary.This interweaving of reality and fiction for much(prenominal)(prenominal) exercise is seen instantly in Jupiters prophecy in prevail 1 where the very real figure of Augustus is linked to the fab figure of Aeneas. This link, as mapped out by Jupiter, passes from Aeneas, the initial founder of Rome, through the legendary check Romulus and Remus, central characters in Romes foundation legend, and onto a trojan horse Caesar(1.287), Augustus have uncle and adopted generate, Julius Caesar. Commonly seen in Julian propaganda of the 1st ampere- randomness BC, this association highlights the link between the gens Iulia and the eponymous figure of Iulus-Ascanius1, Aeneas son, and explicitly places Augustus in the line of noble stock the rulers of the world (1.282-286) originated from. Decreed to be a direct descendent of these two legendary chara cters by the get of the gods, Augustus is instantly cemented as the rightful ruler and depicted as the following(a) piece in Romes foundation myth that he in any case is a legendary figure. Furthermore, these characters themselves embody the blurring between myth and reality. For guinea pig each is of both divine and mortal descent Aeneas is the son of genus Venus and Anchises, Romulus the son of Mars and Ilia the priestess queen and Augustus too, according to Jupiters prophecy, can accompany his lineage to both these legendary figures, and a Caesar, Romes first imperial figure. This non only gives Augustus further gravitas and legitimacy as a ruler, but likewise suggests that he is re-establishing the Rome as it was prophesised, and the Roman identity as it should be. Also it suggests that Romes foundations argon evenly legendary, born from the combination of myth and reality, and disturbly endorsed by the gods.While Aeneas general journey in The Aeneid excessively sees this close relationship between myth and reality, we may also see it as mirroring Romes own growth as a nation.2 For example, Aeneas judgment of conviction in C artworkhage, between Books 1 and 4, represents the Punic Wars, a series of struggles fought between Rome and Carthage between 264 BC and 146 BC which saw more than a century of conflict, thousands of deaths, and Rome deliver the goods Carthage as the most fountainful state in the Western Mediterranean. This office is steeped in historical allegory Didos suicide and Carthage seemingly combustion with the flames of poor Didos pyre (5.3-4) represents Carthages own defeat at the deliberates of Rome, and its decline as Romes power grew. quest this Aeneas progress encapsulates the narrative and in Books 5 to 8 we see him claim gradually closer to Italy. This part of his journey however also sees legion(predicate) allusions to the Odysseus myth and is littered with markic motifs as Aeneas encounters a number of talisman ic creatures, such as journeying to the Underworld, contact with the Harpies and Cyclops, close encounters with the sea monsters Scylla and Charybdis and with the lands of the Sirens and Circe. By translating a Homeric and mythological world onto the strong-charted, and well-traversed, Mediterranean, Virgil continues to interweave reality and fiction, and, in doing so, blurs what is true and what is false. This also creates tension between the two as coeval readers, recognising the places Aeneas visits and passes, sees these familiar lands as the homes of legendary creatures. While on one hand this section can be seen as portraying Aeneas as an equal hero to Odysseus, it can also be seen as reflecting Romes journey and growth, from Trojan foundations to an identity of its own. Virgil continues this tension in Books 9 to 12 as Aeneas battles with the Latins closely reflect the recent Civil Wars, and Aeneas and Turnus one-to-one beleaguer represents the Battle of Actium where Augus tus defeated his last rival, Mark Antony. While gradually reflecting Romes past with Aeneas journey, Virgil strives to remind Rome of the destruction it has faced, externally such as in Carthage, and internally such as during the civil wars, and in doing so he attempts to show Romans that they must learn from their past. Like many an(prenominal) another(prenominal) historical epics, both Greek and Roman, The Aeneid is used to define a national identity in opposition to an other, as prove by the vast historical skeleton the narrative is built upon.As J. D. vibrating reed suggests, it aims to present Rome as distinct to all other nations from the Trojans with whom it originated, the Greeks whom the Trojans had fought and who the Romans were to scourge by distancing Aeneas from the Homeric and Greek world the Carthaginians who threaten Roman control condition with the death of Dido and the Italian peoples among whom Rome arose with Aeneas war with the Latins.3Virgil continues to merge the past and present in Book 8 and, in Aeneas visit to Pallanteum, images of Virgils present-day(a) Rome bleed into the expositions of Evanders archaic settlement. For example, as Evander guides Aeneas, we see cows lowing in the Roman forum, and the Capitol, now all gold now bristling with rough scrub (8.349-362). Also, throughout the translation, many landmarks recognisable to Virgils modern readers, such the Alter of Carmentis and the Carmental Gate (8.338) ar seen. These images appear to transcend time itself, and by warping the familiar with the historical, Virgils narrative continues to run on underlying tension. However these images are also accompanied by those of a bucolic paradise the site is described as the haunt of native Australian fauns and nymphs and Saturns first Golden Age (8.315-325). Hence, with this blurring of past and present, and by translating images of coetaneous Rome onto those of pastoral peace, Virgil is linking Aeneas coming, and therefore Augustus, with Saturns he hopes that Augustus is bringing the arcminute Golden Age of peace and serenity (8.326). However, Evanders account is also greatly pessimistic, detailing a worser age of base material as the time of peace disintegrated and the madness of war and the lust for possessions (8.327-328) consumed all. While this is distinctly representing the recent civil wars that tore apart Rome, it also reveals Virgils own hopelessness for the future of Rome like Evander he views the Golden Age, and the empire, as only an intermission from continuous fighting and invasions.4 This hopelessness for the future appears to etymon from Virgils own cynical view of clement nature, as can be seen in the myth of Hercules and Cacus. In essence a rumor of a hero and a monster, and of archetypal good and bad, Virgils verbal description casts an unnerving coincidence between the two as both are described as incredibly violent and rabid with furor. This, therefore, causes us to quest ion whether Virgil truly endorses Aeneas, who is also seen as incredibly violent in battle, and the new emperor he represents. Supporting this is the description of Aeneas and Mezentius battle in Book 10 where the tale of Hercules and Cacus is literally mirrored as Mezentius rode around Aeneas terce times (10.886), re affair Hercules three trips around Mount Aventine in anger (8.231-232). This similarity disturbingly places Aeneas, our supposed hero, in the place of the monster Cacus and contradicts the many electropositive descriptions of Aeneas, causing us to believe that Virgil had mixed opinions about Augustus and the new empire this use of myth shows he had hopes for the peace one ruler could bring, however was cynical of the destruction human nature could cause.Book 8 also sees the pinnacle of Virgils use of myth and history in the description of Aeneas resplendent shield. Crafted by the fire god Vulcan it is a clear reproduction of Achilles own shield from The Iliad and a nother allusion to Homer. However, on one hand, while Homer chooses to depict the entire world, including the earth, oceans, heavens, magicians, and human life Hephaestus engraves Achilles shield with the pleasures of peace as Homer strives to remind his hero of what he is fighting for. Virgil, on the other hand, chooses to engrave Aeneas shield with a memorialization of Romes army victory, and her mastery in conflict as well as peace, as he prophesises Romes history.5 This is due to the context of The Aeneid. Written before long after the Battle of Actium where Augustus put an end to the strife of civil war in Rome, becoming the first emperor, The Aeneid reflects this recent shift in power the description of Aeneas shield in particular. Primarily, Virgils language choice, namely in characterisation, is important in establishing this Homeric relation and political undercurrent. For example, his description of Augustus sees the new emperors association with the divine increasingl y emphasised the gods themselves are listed in the description of his followers, indicating that he has the divine right to rule, and his recent success at Actium as determined by the gods. Also, Augustus is physically elevated in this image, and is therefore physically closer to Olympus. Similarly he is described as wearing a double flame and his fathers star (8.682). On one hand this associates him with Ascanius who, in Book 2, is blessed by the gods with a halo of holy fire, this portent followed by a second a star sent by the gods. This similarity, while supporting Jupiters prophecy in Book 1 that Ascanius will establish the seeds of a power that, eventually, will become Rome, further emphasises Augustus right to rule. Also, the inclusion of his fathers star alludes to his adoption of Julius Caesars name, and emphasises his legitimacy. Essentially, the description of Augustus is steeped in well-disposed and political context with the intention of establishing his sovereignty, s uggesting that there was possible unrest in his early years of power. This description, notably Augustus relationship to the gods, sees Virgils focussing on highlighting Augustus power, and the legitimacy of that power.Similarly, Virgils description of Antony informs us of the social and political background of The Aeneid. Introduced as in triumph from the shores of the Red Sea (8.688-689), Antony is portrayed positively, which, as Augustus rival, is peculiar. Also, he describes their conflict as mountains were colliding with mountains (8.694), associating both with the seemingly-immortal strength of Homeric heroes, and indicating that they are equals in power. Also, contextually, there was no honour in fighting a fellow Roman, and Virgil avoids this in his glorification of Augustus by undermining Antonys involvement. Virgil achieves this by using active verbs to describe Cleopatra, and while she is described as summoning her warships and calling for winds (8.698-708), her role in the battle eclipses Antonys. This has the effect of natural endowment Rome a common enemy the woman and the extraneouser. This in itself associates Cleopatra with Dido, also a foreign queen, who, throughout her relationship with Aeneas, is portrayed as deterring his progress, and therefore, deterring the progress of Rome. Furthermore, Cleopatras description echoes that of Dido. Called his Egyptian wife or the queen (8.689-698), she is denied a name, and the autonomy of self, well(p) as Dido, who is defined by her relationship with Aeneas so much so as to take her own life when he leaves. By giving the Romans a common enemy, the civil war is instead turned into that with a foreign power, and creates a sense of Roman unity, unity that perhaps was not as assured in reality, and notably, unity brought by Augustus success. The gods too are personaly characterised for effect. While on one hand, the Roman gods are named and recognisable, the Egyptian gods are described as monstrous, Vir gil even highlights the dog form of Anubis who barked at Neptune and Venus (8.699-700). This emphasis on the animalistic qualities of the Egyptian gods serves the purpose of establishing a divine hierarchy the Roman gods, as human in shape, naturally come before the dog god, an animal typically obedient to man. This hierarchy serves to assert Roman superiority, culturally and spiritually, as well as militarily.Virgils description of the shield in itself is important too throughout the passage, there is fluidity between narrative and object. This is achieved by the insidious blurring of the mythical world, as depicted on the shield, and the real Aeneas story. For example, as the passage flows through the narrative, certain words and phrases alluding to the material of the shield, how its made and the maker, such as the God of Fire who had fashioned the Nile with every fold of pallium beckoning (8.709-714), disrupt the flow and pull the reader sharply to reality. Also, there is a pr evalent dichotomy of senses we are told that Anubis barked while the Roman gods swooped and strode (8.699-703). This sense of drive and sound brings a still image and object alive, and reflects the power of well-crafted art just as Aeneas shield seems to come to life in his hands, the poem does in the readers mind.Ultimately, through his integration of myth and history, Virgil is able to blur truth and fiction, transforming The Aeneid into accepted fact. This not only establishes his account into the foundation myth of the Roman identity, but also establishes Augustus into the pantheon of Romes mythological founders. On a deeper level though it also allows him to explore complex issues such as the effect the civil wars had on the Roman identity, his hopes for Augustus rule, and his fears that human nature, greed and violence will plague the new empire. Essentially, through the unify of the two worlds, whether this be between the mythological and realistic, classical allusion and historical context, or narrative and material object, he achieves the ultimate contrast between a piece of literature, and a political message.BibliographyBell, K. K. 2008. Translatio and the Constructs of a Roman Nation in Virgils Aeneid, Rocky Mountain Review 62 11-24.J. D. Reed, Vergils Roman, in J. Farrell and M. C. J. Putnam (ed.), A Companion to Vergils Aeneid and its Tradition. Oxford 2010 66-79.J. E. G. Zetzel, Rome and its Traditions, in C. Martindale (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Virgil. Cambridge 1997 188-203.Johnson, W. R. 2005. asylum, in S. Lombardo (Trans.), Aeneid, Indianapolis. lxi-lxxi.R. D. 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